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Escape and Surrender
12 May 1945
From: U234 (Fehler)
To: GZZ 10
Position 50.00 N - 30.00 W. Surfaced, course 260, speed 8.
D/F [Direction Finder Fix - author's note] 51.00 N - 27.00 W
0623Z [6:23 a.m. - authors note]dlxxii
Surrender transmission sent from U-234 at 6:23 a.m., 12 May, 1945
12 May 1945
From: U-234 (Fehler)
To: Comsubs Op
Surfaced at 0800B/12/5/45
Position 50.00 N - 34.00 W
Course 260. Speed 8.
D/F Position 50.00 N. - 34.00 W
2340Z [11:40 p.m. - authors note]dlxxiii
A second transmission from U-234 sent over 17 hours later reporting,
by coordinates, an unchanged position since the morning transmission, while
reporting a velocity of 8 knots in both transmissions. Despite the
reported unchanged position, direction finder fixes show U-234 was travelling
westward twice as fast as the velocity reported: in the first transmission
U-234 actually was well east of its reported position, and it actually
was well west of its reported position in the second transmission.
There are more mysteries related to U-234 than its enigmatic passengers
and cargo. The whereabouts of U-234 from April 16 until May 12, 1945,
almost a month, are, seemingly, a conundrum - a puzzle whose answer leads
to another riddle, which leads again to another puzzle, and so on, until
you arrive back at the original question - what happened? Review of the
U-boat's logbook itself reveals a perplexing collection of contradictions
when compared against intercepted radio transmissions, other accounts of
the voyage, and even other information within the same logbook, suggesting
that at least part of its record is falsified. In fact, even a cursory
glance at what are purported to be various pages of the war log reveals
astounding inconsistencies in the physical nature of the book and the handwriting
therein, leading to questions and doubt regarding its very provenance.
In addition, the few apparently clear facts provided by the war log reveal
a bizarre and unexpected travel routine for a fleeing U-boat. And
the actions taken by the U-boat commander in the final days prior to its
surrender are duplicitous and deceitful - and apparently in coordination
with United States Navy activities.
In short, the evidence suggests that U-234 may not to have left
Norway under the conditions it was reported to, may not have cruised the
course across the Atlantic it was claimed to have traveled, and definitely
did not surrender when, where and to whom it was ordered to capitulate.
Instead, in almost every case, its commander, Captain Lieutenant Johann
Heinrich Fehler, appears to have been intent on achieving a different,
unknown end.
But even before the U-boat cast off from the pier, its presence
was generating considerable interest - both in Germany and across the Atlantic
in the United States. A captured German ULTRA radio encoder/decoder
had allowed the Allies to break the German codes and thus receive and decode
U-boat transmissions describing U-234's secret mission and other aspects
of its operations. U-234's Chief Radio Operator Wolfgang Hirschfeld's two
accounts of these events corroborate and add enlightening detail to this
data.
According to these sources, as noted in a previous chapter, U-234
had received important radio transmissions that seemed to indicate a struggle
over chain-of-command of the U-boat was taking place between Hitler's headquarters
and U-boat Grand Admiral Karl Doenitz. Probably on 12 April, U-234
received a special order that Hirschfeld later wrote had originated from
Hitler's bunker headquarters.
"One day we received the following transmission, 'U-234 is not
to leave yet. Wait for orders. - The Fuehrer Headquarters'"dlxxiv
The signal intelligence itself seems to substantiate at least the
basics of Hirschfeld's story, although there are differences in the details
between his accounts and the intercepted radio transmissions. For
instance, in an English version of Hirschfeld's memoirs, the order told
Fehler to "'only sail on the orders of the highest level' - Fuehrer HQ."dlxxv
An English translation of the German version of Hirschfeld's account quotes
the order as, "'U-234 is not to leave yet. Wait for orders' - Fuehrer
HQ."dlxxvi An actual intercepted dispatch similar to, and therefore
probably connected to the one Hirschfeld was referencing, commanded U-234
to remain at Kristiansand until "especially ordered."dlxxvii
The intercepted radio transmission put the date of receipt of this order
as 12 April, but Hirschfeld's recollection put the day he saw the order
as "about 14 April." And although Hirschfeld in both of his accounts identified
the dispatch he saw as originating from the Fuehrer Bunker, the intercepted
version of the transmission is identified as coming from the German Commander
of Submarine Operations. Here is our first conundrum; was there truly a
mysterious messenger in the Fuehrer Bunker, and, if so, what was his intent
in ordering the U-boat to stay?
Standard command center procedure would suggest that, had U-234
received a specially coded message from Hitler's headquarters, the U-boat
command communication center would automatically relay the transmission
to U-234 on behalf of the Fuehrer Bunker. Although the Allies' captured
ULTRA decoder could decipher the U-boat command code, apparently it was
not equipped for the special leadership frequencies or codes of the Fuehrer
Bunker. The original message from the bunker would not have been
intercepted. Presumably, U-234 was not equipped with the special
equipment to receive such a message either. So the U-boat command
communications operators needed to rephrase the wording to downplay Hitler's
headquarters connection, in order not to reveal to prying ears the high
priority of the message or the Bunker's involvement in it; but to insure,
nonetheless, that U-234 received appropriate operating orders. Following
this procedure would also conserve proper chain of command. And it would
also explain why Hirschfeld read the Fuehrer Bunker message a day or two
later in the communications center. Possibly he recognized the relayed
message for what it was and went to the communications center to read the
original.
Hirschfeld writes that he made a special daily visit to
the flotilla communications center while in Kristiansand to pick up messages
for the U-boat.dlxxviii Such a practice seems odd, since U-234 appears
to have been capable of receiving all standard U-boat transmissions - vis-a-vis
the present relayed dispatch. The daily visits therefore suggest Hirschfeld,
and Fehler by extension, were expecting the special message. Whatever
the case, as a result of one of these visits, Hirschfeld writes that he
knew the transmission originated from the Fuehrer Bunker because he was
given a copy of the order and that it was identified as having come from
Hitler's headquarters. An interesting set of comparisons about this message
can be made between Hirschfeld's first version of the incident in his book
Feindfahrten, written in German, and his second account written with Geoffrey
Brooks, Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO - 1940-1946, written in English
several years later. The details in Hirschfeld's earlier version
of the episode described how Fehler showed the dispatch to his passenger,
General Kessler, who surmised that a mystery guest was coming from Berlin.dlxxix
The later version of this episode makes only a veiled, oblique, passing
mention of this discussion.[dlxxx] From my contacts I learned that, after
the first book, Fehler and others "in the know" about the mysterious Fuehrer
Bunker dispatch, vigorously censured Hirschfeld for having revealed anything
about it. Ensuing claims were made that Hirschfeld had, in fact,
falsely elaborated his report of this episode. Such after-the-fact
editing seems suspect, however, given the proven veracity of many other
elements of Hirschfeld's accounts of events - which will be pointed out
as our narrative continues - and the chain of anomalies and enigmas otherwise
left in U-234's wake.
At any rate, in Hirschfeld's early version, Kessler surmised that
Berlin was sending another passenger to travel in the U-boat and that he
guessed the unexpected traveler would be Hermann Goering, whom, to Fehler's
horror, he called "The Fat One." Kessler went on to explain that
Goering's presence in the U-boat was unacceptable to him because he and
Goering had had a falling out and so he was not prepared to spend several
months confined in small U-boat quarters with the Luftwaffe Reich Marshall.
Despite the exclusion of this event from Hirschfeld's second account, to
a large degree, revealing this little-known detail qualifies Hirschfeld's
authenticity as a witness of this event, and by extension, the veracity
of his original claim that the order for U-234 not to leave Kristiansand
came from the Fuehrer Bunker. During Kessler's interrogation following
U-234's surrender, Kessler, indeed, revealed the details of an otherwise
little-known falling out he had had with Goering.[dlxxxi]
Shortly, according to Hirschfeld's first account, a second dispatch
came through the flotilla communications center. Tellingly, Hirschfeld's
later version of events once again excludes any mention of this transmission.
The communiqu=C8, also sent on a leadership-dedicated frequency, though
benign on the face of it, was even more mysterious than the first.
The dispatch read, "To lead radio chief Hirschfeld on U-234, for your last
trip, much luck and healthy return home. Your Bubi." When called
before the Flotilla Commander to account for the enigmatic message, Hirschfeld
explained that the transmission had been sent from Bernhard Geissmann,
the head radioman at 10th Flotilla in Lorient, France. He then writes obliquely
that this answer could not be followed up on because Lorient had been captured.
The obvious intent of his response thus was to protect the identity of
"Bubi." "Bubi" may, in fact, have been Bernhard Geissmann, but that
seems unlikely since it is almost certain the Allied forces that captured
Lorient would not casually allow an enemy prisoner to transmit a personal
message on a captured enemy's special frequency transmitter. Who, then,
was Bubi, and what was the meaning of the message? If, indeed, it
was not from Bernhard Geissmann, then it would seem the transmission was
a coded message from an unknown sender, presumably including a prearranged
signal designed as part of a predetermined plan. Perhaps the phrase "healthy
return home" indicated the plan now was in place for U-234 to return to
Germany upon the proper signal to pick up the mystery guest - we will probably
never know. Within a few hours of this dispatch, according to Hirschfelddlxxxii
- but probably the next day according to a second radio intercept received
13 Aprildlxxxiii - Commander Fehler received another order. This
message came from Grand Admiral Karl Doenitz, commander of the U-boat fleet,
and told Fehler not to accept orders from anyone but the Admiral himself,
and then commanded Fehler to depart as quickly as he could make the appropriate
preparations.dlxxxiv
Upon receiving the order, according to Hirschfeld, Fehler openly
acknowledged the clash over chain-of-command of the U-boat by joking about
Doenitz's willingness to take on the top brass; but really, Fehler was
in a tight spot. How could he expect to execute conflicting orders
from both the supreme commander of the U-boat navy and from the Fuehrer's
headquarters itself? Should he fail to do either, the personal consequences
could be catastrophic. Certainly, at the very least, an order directly
from the Fuehrer's headquarters to Fehler had to have a profound influence
personally on U-234's commander. He must have felt great pressure
as he was ground between his two powerful leaders. Fehler would need to
work magic to squeeze out of this, his very first pickle as the U-boat's
captain - and he had not even left friendly shores! Yet he seems
to have worked some effective sleight of hand, for radio transmission intercepts
record that U-234 apparently seems to have fulfilled both orders!
The massive U-boat is actually documented by these intercepted radio transmissions
to have left port twice. Here is the second of our circular puzzles.
The intercepts record that U-234 had "put out of Kristiansand south"
on 16 April, according to one transmission.dlxxxv But another transmission
two days later, on 18 April, reported U-234 was on its way "out of port
at present."dlxxxvi How could the U-boat have left port on the 16th
and still be leaving Kristiansand two days later on the 18th? Possibly
Fehler had changed plans and returned. According to U-234's "official"
log, however, on 18 April the U-boat was already approximately 200 miles
away, heading north in the opposite direction reported on the 16th, and
was then in the latitudes around Bergen, Norway.dlxxxvii Apparently,
the U-boat had not been called back if the log is correct - but then, we
shall see that the log, itself, is suspect. For there is another
"official" log; a log that ends abruptly on 18 April, the very day of the
second report of U-234 exiting port. We shall return to this convoluted
chronicle momentarily.
The strange contradiction of the two messages regarding U-234 leaving
port twice may be answered once again by radioman Hirschfeld, in another
of his cryptic, abstruse passages that appears to shine light on these
mysterious movements. In both of his accounts of the journey he writes
that, once U-234 was clear of Kristiansand, U-boat Commander North Captain
Hans Rosing sailed to and boarded the U-boat from a "communications launch"
[italics added].
This event had always perplexed me because, although Hirschfeld
infers it occurred off Kristiansand, I knew Rosing was headquartered in
Bergen. True, he may have been visiting Kristiansand on official business,
the U-boat base was certainly within his jurisdiction, but why would he
wait for U-234 to leave Kristiansand and then chase it down in a small
craft rather than address its crew at the pier, as was the common practice?
After reviewing Hirschfeld's words and the intercepted "second exit from
port" message, combined with the evidence of the strangely truncated logbook
on the one hand, and the position of U-234 near Bergen, as posted in that
logbook on the other hand, it seemed to me that U-234 secretly may have
been detoured to Bergen for an unknown purpose. If this was the case,
and it was supposed to be kept secret, it would explain the logbook having
been abruptly concluded on that day rather than record the fact of the
Bergen visit. A "mock" or replacement logbook would then have to
have been created to hide the clandestine detour - possibly right away,
possibly at a later date - thus the "official" logbook.
Hirschfeld's description of the meeting with Rosing strongly supports
the idea that U-234 visited Bergen, since that was Rosing's headquarters.
And, as mentioned, the puzzle revealed by the intercepted radio transmission
reporting that U-234 left port a second time seems to support that conclusion
as well. U-234 was, indeed, at the right longitude, and only a few
miles offshore at Bergen on the 18th. To make a surreptitious stop
there to take on Rosing would have been quick and easy. The tersely
ended logbook supports the likelihood of the secret sidetrack on that date.
As does the fact that according to Herbert Werner, author of the U-boat
classic book Iron Coffins, and himself a U-boat commander serving in Norway
at the time, Rosing was, in fact, in Bergen during 16 through 19 April,
1945.dlxxxviii Rosing himself asserts that he does not remember his
whereabouts at the time,[dlxxxix] although the event seems so singular
that one would expect the key details to remain in one's mind.
Whether at Kristiansand or Bergen, almost certainly Rosing and
Fehler did not risk their one-of-a-kind U-boat, priceless cargo and important
passengers and crew sitting openly in the dangerous waters off port - where
British submarines and anti-submarine craft regularly prowled to interdict
U-boat activities - just so Rosing could give three cheers for captain
and crew. One can only speculate what the purpose of the detour might
have been. The few small clues Hirschfeld provided, and knowing that
Fehler was caught in the middle of a perilous game of cat-and-mouse between
Doenitz and the Fuehrer's Headquarters, surely must provide context. There
must have been an important operational reason for this secret side trip.
Probably that reason is revealed in Hirschfeld's description of the boat
that brought Rosing to U-234's side - he described it as a communications
launch [italics added by author].
Apparently, certain communications were of such high importance
or of such a secret nature that they were not entrusted over the regular
U-boat service air waves, even in encrypted form. At least, such
seems to be the case here. Possibly Rosing was hand delivering one
of the special-frequency dispatches from the Fuehrer Bunker that U-234
was not equipped to receive; so this detour was U-234's "at sea" version
of Hirschfeld's visits to the Kristiansand communications center on land.
To ensure secured receipt of an important secret message, a special boat
seems to have been employed with a well-trusted messenger, U-boat North
Commander Rosing, whom one would suspect under the circumstances personally
delivered to Fehler a mysterious missive.
We may speculate that such a message was most likely operational
orders for U-234, possibly resolving the struggle between Doenitz and Berlin
over who would command the U-boat, or perhaps giving instructions on how
to deploy until time to pick up its secret guest from Berlin. Or
the communications launch itself may have been sent to transfer to U-234
the equipment required to receive the special-frequency messages from Berlin.
This is conjecture, but certainly not outside the realm of possibility.
Hirschfeld makes it clear in his writings that the radio components of
the boat were modular and easily changed in and out of the console;dxc
and that the boat was equipped with the very latest instrumentation and
every possible technical advantage.
Rosing's final words to captain and crew may be telling about what
he knew of the mission of U-234; he said, "Comrades, when you return from
this mission, we will have our final victory." Given the desperate
situation for Germany - it would fall within two weeks - the crew rightfully,
though quietly, questioned his sanity. But given the purpose of U-234's
mission, if there was hope of victory at all for the Third Reich, it was
in the success of this made-over minelayer - and, tellingly, Rosing knew
it.
While our first conundrum is still somewhat of a mystery
- to be answered later - it would seem our second conundrum, U-234's leaving
port twice, is solved.
But what of the strangely truncated logbook - which leads
to our third conundrum: why does one logbook end abruptly and its supposed
sequel not jive with the rest of the evidence regarding U-234's movements?
When I first requested a copy of the captured war log of U-234 from United
States archives at the beginning of my research, I was told by an archivist
that the logbook had been thrown into the sea by U-234's captain. He asserted
that Fehler got rid of the journal prior to the U-boat's surrender to avoid
compromising the document. But U-234 carried Nazi Germany's greatest secret
weapons, I reasoned, including the V-2 rocket, the Messerschmidt 262 jet
fighter, all of the plans and documents required to manufacture them, atomic
bomb components and presumably plans to build those weapons, as well.
If Fehler did not know the important details about his freight, which seems
improbable despite his later claims, he at least knew the basic reason
and deep importance of his cargo and passengers, and yet he surrendered
them all intact. I reasoned that this was a significant incongruity
in the report that Captain Fehler had surrendered the valuable Nazi secrets
and personnel, apparently without a second thought, but had refused to
surrender his comparatively trivial logbook. The journal, presumably,
simply reported the course he cruised prior to surrender. What could
be damning about that if the story was as simple as suggested? No,
the logbook itself apparently held important secrets that Fehler did not
want revealed, and thus Fehler had indeed consigned it to the deep and
we would never know U-234's whereabouts between 16 April and 12 May, 1945.
Or, possibly, the book was intact but held damning evidence, and thus was
being kept in some separate archive, out of circulation from prying eyes.
When, during a research session in Washington in 1997, I
was told the Library of Congress held a collection of captured German documents,
I raced over to the venerable old building in hopes of locating the missing
log. I was informed the captured documents did indeed contain a journal
from U-234, but that all the documents had been microfilmed and returned
to Germany to be archived there. Satisfied with the opportunity to
read the microfilm rolls, I began searching for traces of a logbook from
U-234. Roll 18 held what I was looking for - almost. A logbook identified
as that of U-234 began on 24 March, 1945, the day before the U-boat's departure
from Kiel to Kristiansand. As noted previously, it ended abruptly
on, of all days, 18 April, 1945 - the same day of U-234's mysterious "second
exit" from port. I use the word "abruptly" because, while the U-boat's
activities are detailed through the days and weeks leading up to and through
17 April, including leaving port on 16 April - corroborating the first
intercepted message of it leaving port on that day - the heading "18 April"
is written in longhand halfway down the page, but the rest of the page
is blank. There are no entries in the half-page underneath the date.
No course coordinates, no weather reports, no times, no bearings.
In other words, the remaining half-page is blank. There is no information
for 18 April, the same day that intercepted transmissions mysteriously
identified U-234 as leaving port for the second time in three days.
And there are no entries for the 19th or 20th - the log does not pick up
again until 12 May, the day U-234 first transmitted its intent to surrender
to Allied forces.dxci
Baffled by the inconsistencies and the gargantuan gap in
the record, I approached a Library of Congress archivist, who informed
me the original logbook had been sent to the Bundesarchiv in Germany; he
suggested perhaps I could get the full record from there. I faxed
the Bundesarchiv, requesting the log. In return I was mailed a photocopy
of record RM 98/676, with the words "Uboot U234" written in blue fountain
pen ink on the front cover. Nowhere throughout the entire document
is U-234 identified as an organic, photocopied part of the journal as the
U-boat of record. The copy of the log begins on 19 April, per my
request (I now wish I had requested it from 24 March, when U-234 left Kiel.
I wonder if the record would have started then or abruptly on 18 April?)
and ends on 12 May, the day Fehler surrendered his vessel to the USS Sutton.
But there are two problems with this logbook; the positions, speeds, bearings
and coordinates given for the last day before surrender show a course materially
different than that actually sailed by Fehler, as revealed by Allied radio
direction-finding coordinates, and as substantiated by Hirschfeld.
And the Bundesarchiv logbook is neither the same printed layout nor are
its entries written in the same handwriting as that of the logbook microfilmed
by the Library of Congress, of which it is supposed to be part and parcel.
Since both the intercepted transmissions and the Bundesarchiv
logbook are primary evidence - authoritative, contemporaneous and organic
to the events under study - these conflicts are significant. The inconsistencies
in the evidence suggest gross negligence or willful deceit in completing
one or both of the records. Radio intercepts are and were dispassionately
dated intelligence for the purpose of tracking important events, and there
seems to be no reason why anyone would manipulate this particular record.
On the other hand, that there are major inconsistencies in the physical
and informative aspects of the Bundesarchiv logbook casts considerable
doubt on its veracity, in the opinion of this researcher. The data
recorded in the logbook in many cases does not fit either the official
account or unofficial recollections given of U-234's journey; and on another
level, in fact, the entries appear to try to hide the U-boat's actual movements.
There is a long list of details within the logbook that conflict
with other data in the log or with other substantive evidence regarding
the movements of U-234, or that is incongruous with the U-boat's stated
mission and the rest of its activities. Even some of the evidence external
to the logbook conflicts with U-234's mission and logbook, thus all the
information taken together suggests an organized effort to camouflage U-234's
movements.
On 21 April, for example, as U-234 was supposedly fleeing to Japan
on its specially dedicated mission, and outwardly at least, was under orders
not to participate in any other operational activities,[dxcii] intercepted
radio transmissions show the U-boat received an order to "guard Ireland."[dxciii]
Certainly such an operational assignment was incongruous with the extraordinary
nature of U-234's mission, cargo and passengers. And the U-boat was
not built for combat patrol, having only two torpedo tubes, both at the
stern, and just seven torpedoes.dxciv That U-234 undertook patrol operations,
as the dispatch seems to suggest, is therefore highly unlikely. In
the context of these considerations, the dispatch to "guard Ireland" seems
more likely to have been a signal telling Fehler to proceed with his mission
by circumnavigating Ireland, or otherwise positioning himself no further
away from the European mainland than the Celtic island.
During 20 April, the day just prior to this order, according to
the coordinates given in the logbook, U-234 mysteriously had broken off
from its pre-planned routedxcv to Japan. The route was supposed to take
U-234 on a bearing almost due north through the strait between the Farroe
Islands and Iceland; instead U-234 had been turned roughly due west. And
according to its daily noon-time coordinates postings, the U-boat, specially
equipped to sail submerged at eight to ten miles-per-hour, and almost 20
miles-per-hour surfaced,dxcvi was hardly moving, traveling at between one
and two-and-a-half miles per hour - just enough speed to maintain steerage.
The average man walks at between two and two and-a-half miles-per-hour.
According to the logbook, this is the speed the U-boat traveled throughout
the journey until its last few days at sea. While Fehler later suggested
this slow speed was the most economic velocity for such a long mission,dxcvii
intercepted transmissions indicate U-234 may have planned to refuel in
Indonesia,dxcviii even though it appears to have had enough fuel to make
Japan sailing under relatively normal conditions.dxcix Considered
against this information and the nature of the mission, the special capabilities
of the U-boat, and reports that it later sailed submerged for six days
apparently unnecessarily and very inefficiently, the slow velocity recorded
in the log seems rather to suggest Fehler was marking time in an effort
to remain close to home.
When the message later came ordering Fehler to "guard Ireland,"
the U-boat was turned north again toward its originally planned course,
but still at the same slow speed. The receipt of the order to guard
Ireland, and Fehler's suspiciously slow speed and westerly direction just
before receiving the dispatch - suggesting he intended to stay in the North
Sea rather than heading out to the Atlantic - seem to support the possibility
Captain Fehler was expecting an order that would require him to remain
relatively close at hand. Although the apparent holding pattern was
broken off with the dispatch to guard Ireland, the order to stay close
to Ireland and thus keep U-234 within three-days proximity to Germany,
tends to substantiate a higher-level plan was being followed in support
of some mysterious objective. While obeying the order and adjusting
his course appropriately, Fehler continued to sail at a snail's pace, apparently
still anticipating a change of plans that, when received, would require
him to be in the region.
According to the Bundesarchiv logbook, U-234 now turned north at
two miles-per-hour on its way back to its preplanned course, but for the
next two days the U-boat covered less distance than otherwise would have
been expected, even at its two-miles-an-hour speed. Indeed, the U-boat's
coordinates show a position change of barely ten miles during the 24 hours
between noon on the 22nd and mid-day of the 23rd. This delay appears
to have a different cause than the intentional stalling activities Fehler
had practiced until then, however, and it further validates Hirschfeld's
accounts.[dc] According to the log, late on the evening of the 22nd,
U-234 was abruptly turned northeast. But after less than an hour's
sailing its course was reversed again to the southwest for over three hours
before coming about once more to a corrected course that intersected the
original planned journey. This strange episode in the log occurs almost
due west of Trondheim, Norway, which is the longitude Hirschfeld gives
for a near miss with a freighter that almost churned under U-234 in the
steamer's propellers as the U-boat was making way at snorkel depth.
Fehler was forced to "emergency dive" to avoid a collision and certainly
must have followed the exercise with a standard drill to ensure he had
evaded detection. The record of apparent evasive maneuvers tends therefore,
once again, to validate as accurate the general authenticity of Hirschfeld's
account of events.
During its journey, U-234 swung from one direction to another
a few times, as recorded throughout the log, but these appear to be standard
check-up maneuvers and possible course corrections. There are other
sizeable and apparently unexplainable discrepancies, however, between where
the U-boat was at a given time as recorded in the logbook according to
celestial or electronic navigation coordinates, and where it was plotted
to be according to reckoning by distance and direction. Records of both
techniques were kept in the log. Small disparities between these two forms
of navigation are to be expected as they are used to cross-check one another.
But the errors recorded in the case of U-234 occur too often and are too
large - off by as much as 200 percent or more in distance and almost 90
degrees in direction in a single day's travel - and occur as often as one-third
of the U-boat's days at sea. In short, while certain critical events seem
to be accounted for in the log, like the near-miss with the steamer and
an electrical fire that is recorded in Hirschfeld's account, as well, the
general plotting in the logbook appears to be patently and inexplicably
sloppy and inaccurate. The gross disparities in the record suggest someone
was completing the logbook very quickly and without caring where U-234
actually was when the entries were being made. In fact, completion
of the log seems to have been done with little concern for ensuring the
two forms of navigation would validate one another at all! And as
the journey progressed, the errors became greater. At the same time,
other unexpected but seemingly important changes occurred.
For example, in the opening hours of 1 May - about the same time
Martin Bormann is reported to have been preparing to make a rendezvous
with a giant U-boat in Hamburg - U-234 again broke from its planned journey
and turned due east, back toward the North Sea, from a southwesterly course.
The logbook records that this diversion lasted only an hour. Review
of the events leading up to and after this strange course change, however,
may be revealing.
Beginning in the early morning hours of 30 April, about the time
Bormann was concluding a series of deceptive dispatches to Doenitz to arrange
the final details of his escape from Berlin, a series of changes in the
way U-234 was controlled occur in the log. First, and perhaps most
telling, although the Bundesarchiv log and Hirschfeld both agree that after
the near miss with the steamer U-234 had run surfaced almost every night
until beyond the Iceland/Farroe Island Narrows,[dci] the logbook records
Fehler now chose to run submerged in the Atlantic. Having already run perhaps
the most dangerous part of the journey surfaced at night - the North Sea
and the narrows were heavily patrolled for anti-submarine activity - the
logbook shows that Fehler now chose to go forward slowly and inefficiently
beneath the water's surface. According to the logbook, U-234 sailed continuously
without surfacing from the early hours of 30 April until late 5 May - the
crucial time span between Bormann's disappearance from Berlin starting
on the 30th of April, to Doenitz's capitulation on the 5th of May.
If true, running for almost six full days either fully submerged or at
snorkel depth was a rare event for any U-boat. Importantly, Hirschfeld's
account - proven extremely accurate thus far - conflicts with the logbook,
saying U-234 continued to proceed "submerged by day and surfaced at night
under the protection of our radar."[dcii] Even Fehler admitted the
logbook is only partially true when he later wrote that on the first two
nights after passing through the strait his efforts to surface were thwarted
by unidentified aircraft on his radar.[dciii] He affirms, however,
that on the third night the U-boat was able to remain surfaced "for several
hours." He gives no account of the fourth, fifth and sixth nights.
Regardless of what U-234 actually was doing, these accounts demonstrate
the protection provided by the special radar with which the U-boat was
equipped; which could search the ocean and skies for miles around within
a split second without giving away the U-boat's location.[dciv] The
cutting-edge radar system had already saved the U-boat serious incident
once, having early in the voyage detected anti-submarine airplanes, allowing
Fehler to evade danger long before the planes could get a fix on the U-boat.[dcv]
Hirschfeld's account of these critical first days in the Atlantic,
while brief, differs markedly from Fehler's. He states that "during
the first night we were obliged to dive twice because of aircraft,"[dcvi]
the connotation being that during the rest of the first night and on the
remaining nights, the boat ran surfaced. Later analysis of Fehler's
account will prove even greater disparity between what was written in the
logbook and what appears to have actually occurred.
In trying to decide which record is true, Fehler's, Hirschfeld's
or the seemingly faulty logbook, the operational situation of the U-boat
must be considered. Fehler was now on the open Atlantic where U-boat interdiction
was considerably leaner than on the North Sea and where he had much more
room to maneuver surfaced and the benefit of the best radar. Additionally,
in this part of the Atlantic where it was harder to support antisubmarine
activity from land bases, U-boat detection by the enemy was usually made
only upon a U-boat attack upon an enemy ship, and therefore a U-boat that
did not attack was relatively safe from detection. Fehler admitted
as much in an undated letter written to Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters,[dcvii]
in which the captain stated he was little concerned about being discovered;
he had no intention whatever of attacking anything. In fact, he intended
to steer clear of all contact.
Considering his superior radar and all of these favorable conditions
and the greatly improved fuel economy and speed of running surfaced as
opposed to snorkeling, Fehler had comparatively good reason to run surfaced,
at the very least during the dark of night. He even writes in his letter
to Cooper, "Later on in the open ocean, staying submerged during daytime
offeres (sic) a fair chance to pass through undetected,"[italics added
for emphasis] inversely inferring that he did, indeed, sail surfaced at
night, despite the logbook's entries and again corroborating Hirschfeld's
account.[dcviii]
Conversely, Fehler had very little reason to run submerged.
Perplexing and contradictory as it seems, however, the logbook records
that Fehler had, in essence, "gone to ground" and remained submerged.
Considered against the U-boat's operations in the Iceland/Farroe Island
Narrows, its superior radar equipment, Fehler's supposed concern for fuel
economy, and other conditions as have been outlined, sailing submerged
in the open Atlantic for six days straight seems unlikely. In the
context of a second, more intriguing, escape scenario, however, as we shall
see, such entries in the Bundesarchiv logbook make good sense - as a cover-up
for the period of time between 30 April through 5 May, when U-234 may have
disappeared on a secret side trip.
A second set of telling data regarding such a detour arises from
conflicts within the Bundesarchiv logbook and between the logbook and another
record, as well. During the voyage, General Kessler was entering in his
diary the U-boat's position coordinates taken at noon each day.[dcix]
His postings match exactly those of the logbook until 30 April, when Kessler,
for the first time during the journey, failed to post coordinates.
On that day, the Bundesarchiv logbook showed coordinates at noon of 61?
58' N, 14? 49.5 W, a distance from the previous coordinates that roughly
represented the U-boat's average speed thus far. The following day,
Kessler posted the exact same coordinates for 1 May that the logbook showed
for 30 April - 61? 58' N, 14? 49.5 W. For 1 May, the logbook in its turn
showed 61? 14' N, 16? 08' W, indicating U-234 had traveled the average
daily distance again. Up to this point, because the logbook entries remain
consistent with daily distances covered, one would assume the logbook is
correct and Kessler had just made a mistake. That Kessler's diary
exactly matched the coordinates in the logbook until 30 April and then,
even when it differed, it showed only an apparent error in transcription
of being off by one day, supports this theory. Probably Kessler was
receiving his data secondhand as provided by the sophisticated radio navigation
system U-234 deployed. But Kessler never corrected his 1 May entry,
even though it obviously would have been wrong when he updated his diary
the following day, on 2 May.
Reviewing the coordinates given in the Bundesarchiv log beginning
the very next day, however, on noon of 1 May and again on noon of the following
day, shows the U-boat traveled barely half of its already slow average
daily distance. Such an adjustment considered with Kessler's erratic entries
of a few days prior may suggest a correction of some sort was made in the
log. This suggestion becomes more plausible when considering that
the distance traveled for the same 24 hours, as actually written in the
log, is over 60 statute miles - five statute miles above the daily average
- despite the logbook coordinates showing a half-day's average travel.
One minor course change recorded during that period would hardly have impacted
the overall distance traveled and therefore could not be accountable for
the discrepancy between the two entries. The record therefore suggests
uncertainty about where U-234 was, beginning on 30 April.
The stream of conflicts within the logbook consistently
increased from this point in time forward. A second inaccuracy occurred
two days later, between 3 and 4 May, when the posted coordinates recorded
the U-boat again moved only a handful of miles, certainly fewer than ten.
But the logbook posted 54.7 statute miles traveled with no course changes
significant enough to account for the difference. Perhaps tellingly, General
Kessler's diary on 3 May fails for the second time to record any daily
coordinates at all. This herky-jerky motion of the U-boat from day
to day as recorded in the logbook, which is out of phase with Kessler's
also herky-jerky data, but which Kessler seems to try to account for, seems
again to indicate uncertainty as to where the submarine actually was after
30 April.
A third conflict that continues the uncertainty - the largest of
the three - occurs in the 24 hours between 5 and 6 May. The coordinates
posted show distance traveled of about half of the 55-statute mile daily
average, for a total travel distance of about 30 statute miles; but the
actual distance reported records a whopping 99 miles - close to twice the
average distance! This is the furthest distance U-234 traveled, by
far, recorded to that point in the journal. What compounds this truly
significant and very obvious error is that course bearings given throughout
the 24-hour period are almost consistently 220?, a straight line west southwest,
but the end coordinates show U-234's position was about 30 miles southeast
of its position 24 hours prior. In other words, both the distance and the
direction traveled are in serious discrepancy within the log. The
distance traveled, as entered directly in the logbook, differs not only
by about 60 miles, or three times the distance calculated from the coordinates,
but the logbook is off by almost 90? in direction, or one-quarter the arc
of the compass, as well. As noted earlier, marginal differences in a course
tracked by coordinates compared against a course tracked by bearings and
distance are to be expected. Winds, currents and human error of just
fractions of a degree will create variances in position when navigating
a submarine. But the size of the discrepancies listed above are hardly
explainable by anything but the most profound errors, suggesting almost
no regard for where the U-boat actually was.
The variance between the coordinate positions posted on 5 and 6
May, compared to the direction and distance plotted, is just too extreme.
If one does not believe U-234 actually sailed southeast - per the coordinates
posted - but rather sailed according to the dead reckoning information,
or vice versa - an entire day is lost. But there is nothing in the document
to suggest a correction was made for a lost day. In our scenario
of U-234 making a secret side trip, unaccounted for days are central to
understanding what the U-boat may have been up to during this time.
The only other answer for the "lost day" would be if the U-boat came to
a complete standstill for 24 hours, which runs counter to all accounts.
But even if it had, why would Fehler have recorded U-234 was traveling
in two directions at once?
U-234 did not stand still; quite the opposite. A last, and
also substantial, series of conflicts between the Bundesarchiv logbook
and other sources occurs on 11 through 12 May, which included the final
24-hour period recorded in the log - which ended on the 12th, when Fehler
apparently first radioed his intent to surrender. The final coordinates
entered in the logbook - 49? 20' N, 31? 51 W - were for noon 12 May.
This is in a line with the course plotted from 7 through 12 May, which
adhered to an average bearing of 220?, or south southwest. Surprisingly,
however, actual bearings on the 11th and 12th swung widely, from 180?,
or straight south - a course pursued throughout most of 11 May - to a course
change to 260?, almost due west, which turn occurred at 2:35 on the morning
of the 12th. The distance covered during 7 through 10 May, as calculated
from the daily coordinates, was about 60 to 70 miles per day, again about
the average. But on the 11th, the coordinates show a doubling of velocity
to about 120 miles. The actual total distance sailed entered in the logbook
for 12 May is 201 statute miles, which, while a great increase in speed,
given the drive south then dogleg west, calculates closely enough to match
the 120 miles represented by a straight line from start coordinate to end
point. At the outset these entries appear to be accurate, although, as
noted, representing a great increase in U-234's velocity. Intercepted
radio transmissions from U-234 to Halifax that included direction-finder
bearings corroborated that the U-boat was sailing toward 2608 on the compass.
[dcx] The direction-finder also showed, however, that on the
morning of 12 May, U-234 was actually at a position 70 to 80 miles north,
and more importantly, 150 miles east of the position calculated from the
times and bearings recorded in the logbook. At 4:15 a.m. on 12 May, the
intercept's direction-finder coordinates had put the U-boat at 51? 00'
N, 27? 00' W. The U-boat's position as extrapolated from the logbook's
speeds and bearings, however, indicate it should have been at 498 20' N,
318 00'W, give or take a few miles. Therefore, as noted, it was trailing
about 150 miles east-northeast of the position recorded in the logbook.
Fehler further complicated things - apparently with a plan in mind
- by falsely transmitting during that same 4:15 a.m. radio message that
U-234's position was 50? 00' N, 30? 00' W, significantly differing both
from the direction-finder coordinates and the calculations made from the
logbook data. So we have three considerably different positions given
for U-234 at 4:15 a.m. 12 May: one from the direction-finder of the intercepted
transmission, one calculated from the Bundesarchiv logbook, and one that
Fehler reported to Halifax. The direction-finder location is by far
the most likely to be accurate, since it is the only objective source.
Drawing a line on a map with one end touching the point marking
the direction- finder coordinates and the other end the point marking the
logbook position posted for noon 12 May, shows that Fehler's radioed false
position falls directly on that line and almost at its center. In
the 4:15 a.m. transmission he also gave his speed as 8 knots, but he was
actually sailing 16 knots according to calculations made from the intercepted
transmissions as well as Fehler's own later admission.[dcxi] From U-234's
actual position as revealed by the direction-finder, at the 16-knot speed
it was sailing, U-234 would make the position falsely recorded in the logbook
just about noon - the time of the daily logbook posting. Doing so
would bring it in conformance with the fabricated logbook scenario suggesting
that U-234 was heading on a much more southerly course well west of its
real position, rather than the fast westerly track it had actually been
on. Thus he would continue an illusion he had created that U-234
was sailing a conventional course to Japan on the Great Circle. And U-234's
position would be directly in line with the previous six days of posted
coordinates, further validating the false entries in the logbook.
Fehler then does a strange thing. Having carefully set up
the deception to the point of entering false data in the logbook, instead
of heading straight for those noon coordinates already posted to complete
the illusion, Fehler proceeded on a more westerly route. He also
abruptly discontinued his second logbook. There are no more entries
in the Bundesarchiv log after noon 12 May.
Why? Possibly because Fehler's deceptive first transmission to
Allied forces reported a false position not only calculated to camouflage
his movements, but those coordinates would show U-234 proceeding on a course
that passed exactly through the intersection of the boundaries of Allied
naval control of the Atlantic Ocean. East of this point was the jurisdiction
of the British and French, which he was racing out of. West and north of
it was the jurisdiction of Canada; and west and south of it was the jurisdiction
of the United States. Probably at 4:15 a.m. - the soonest Fehler felt with
confidence that he could reach the desired coordinates by noon - he falsely
radioed the information to the Allies that he was at that moment breaking
into the American-controlled sector of the Atlantic. He would be
expecting to capitulate to the United States and surrender his boat, passengers
and deadly cargo and then his mission would be over.
Instead of the United States responding to Fehler's radio message,
however, Canada's Halifax station first hailed the U-boat and commanded
it to sail for Nova Scotia. For Fehler, surrender to Canada, apparently,
was unacceptable; demonstrated by the fact that he began a series of activities
designed to avoid Canadian capture. First, instead of heading toward
the noon coordinates he appears to have so carefully set up for his cover
story and had apparently already posted in the logbook, he continued on
a very fast westerly track well north of the camouflage course he had created.
Presumably, realizing that Canadian forces were going to try to claim U-234,
Fehler concluded the best way to avoid the Canadians was to stay away from
where they expected him to be. Instead of heading southeast, as reported,
he stayed north for the time being.
Second, further realizing that general knowledge of his duplicitous
maneuvers would reveal a hidden agenda, and therefore concluding that he
should leave no record henceforward, Fehler discontinued keeping his semi-fictional
second logbook. Beyond this point, he probably realized it would
be more difficult to create a workable cover story for a convoluted logbook
than to explain his reasons for failing to complete the diary. He
could easily say the war was over for his boat, passengers and crew and
so there was no need for further entries. At 9:45 p.m., Fehler reported
to Halifax U-234's position again, 50? 00' N, 30? 00' W, the same position
he claimed to hold at 4:15 that morning, even though he also reported a
speed of eight knots in both dispatches, inferring the U-boat was on the
move the entire time. The direction-finding coordinates for this
second transmission, however, placed the U-boat at 50? 00' N, 34? 00' W.
He had now moved from being well east of his reported position, as indicated
in the morning transmission, to well west of that same double-reported
position. According to the direction-finder coordinates for this
dispatch, U-234 had traveled approximately 200 miles in 18 hours - or at
least three times the average speed recorded in the logbook. The
U-boat was running at over 16 miles-per-hour, as noted earlier, or at over
90 percent of its top surfaced speed.
Captain Fehler admitted to making this mad dash over the Atlantic
at "16 or 161/2" knots on "the night of 12 or 13 May" in his letter to
Sharkhunters already mentioned. Hirschfeld confirmed, as well, that
Fehler had ordered him to report false speeds and directions to Halifax.[dcxii]
Thus, once again, either the Bundesarchiv logbook and Fehler's uncoded
transmissions are wrong, or the radio intercepts and both Fehler and Hirschfeld's
later accounts are incorrect. The direction-finder information is
by far the most objective of the evidence; it seems certain, therefore,
that the dubiously-marked Bundesarchiv logbook now can be accepted virtually
as a ruse to cover covert activities.
Fehler had an explanation for these mysterious machinations, though.
In his letter to Sharkhunters, which is a response to Sharkhunters President
Harry Cooper's own suspicions about the activities of U-234, the Captain
described how he met with his officers and German passengers after hearing
about the Reich's capitulation on 8 May to discuss what he should do about
surrendering. While many opinions were openly voiced in this meeting,
according to radio chief Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Fehler never divulged his
own opinions or intentions.[dcxiii] General Kessler independently
confirmed this in a post-war interrogation. But Fehler later reported
in the Sharkhunters letter that he and General Kessler had decided prior
to leaving Norway that if capitulation was necessary he would not surrender
to British forces, allegedly because the food, conditions and treatment
of POWs would not be as good as in the United States. As a result,
according to the letter, Fehler had determined to get out of the British
quadrant of the Atlantic and so was racing toward the setting western sun
in the direction of America.
Fehler's explanation of U-234's desperate dash does not hold up
under close scrutiny, though. He asserted in his letter that on the
night of 12 or 13 May, when Tomonaga and Shoji, the Japanese officers on
board, heard the high revolutions of the propeller shafts, that they deduced
Fehler had decided to surrender the U-boat.[dcxiv] According to Fehler,
rather than be captured alive, which would be disgraceful for the two Samurais,
the Emperor's officers committed a form of hara kari by each taking an
overdose of Luminal, a sleeping drug. They were left to this less
dramatic form of suicide because Fehler had confiscated all of the passengers'
weapons when they boarded the U-boat in Kiel, including Tomonaga's ceremonial
samurai sword.[dcxv]
Fehler stated in the letter he sent to Cooper that he planned,
had the Japanese not taken their lives, to drop the officers either on
the Spanish or Portuguese coast or on the Canary Islands. The discrepancies
in Fehler's assertion are obvious and two fold. First, the radio
intercepts of 12 April are in plain text, they are not coded messages,
and they included falsified coordinates, both conditions indicating the
messages were intended to open communications with the Allies - albeit
either very cautiously or with a hidden agenda in mind. Regardless
of his agenda, the German capitulation already having occurred, Fehler
knew better than to think he could open communications with the Allies
and then just sail about the sea wherever he pleased. He knew the
Allies would demand a swift capitulation of U-234, too, which they did.
Thus almost certainly, the evidence demonstrates that Fehler was already
in the beginning stages of surrendering when he was informed the Japanese
had taken the poison, which contradicts his story about planning to take
the two officers to safe harbor.
And second, Fehler freely admitted that at the time the Japanese
poisoned themselves, U-234 was headed west at high speed, and had been
doing so for about 200 miles - supposedly since 2:35 that morning according
to the logbook, but certainly since 4:15 a.m. He added that his reason
for this run was to escape the area of British control. But the three
locations Fehler claimed he planned to drop off the Japanese - Spain, Portugal
or the Canary Islands - were in very different directions than the one
he was racing toward, and they were well within the British area of jurisdiction.
The fact he was racing west when the boat's doctor told him the Japanese
had taken the poison contradicts his explanation of intending to take them
to the Iberian Peninsula or the Canaries, again revealing that he had no
intention of taking Tomonaga and Shoji to safe haven. The evidence
shows he was bent on surrendering to the United States regardless of the
consequences to Tomonaga and Shoji. In fact, according to his own
account, upon hearing the Japanese had taken the poison, Fehler even refused
to stop his U-boat to submerge below the stormy surface weather long enough
for U-234's doctor to recuperate from an alleged case of seasickness so
he could treat the poisoned men.
Hirschfeld's account, while not stating whether Dr. Walter
was or was not sick, described Walter's activities in ways that demonstrate
he was active and participating in the events underway throughout their
entire span, apparently contradicting Fehler's report of Dr. Walter being
sick.[dcxvi] And Fehler's assertion that the seas were so heavy as to cause
a seasoned U-boater like Dr. Walter to become seasick does not jive with
the account provided in the USS Sutton's day log that described the weather
as clear and that the seas were moderating on that day.[dcxvii]
In fact, on the contrary, the doctor was healthy enough according
to Hirschfeld, that Fehler ordered him, in essence, to oversee the Japanese's
deaths. "Tonight we must get the Japanese overboard," Fehler explained
to Walter. "If the Americans get to them, they'll do everything they can
to bring them round. See to it that they die peacefully,"[dcxviii]
he ordered the doctor.
Granted, Fehler may have been trying to fulfill Tomonaga's and
Shoji's last wish to die in peace and with honor. But why would he
tell a series of lies in his letter written forty years later, in justification
for not reviving them, rather than tell the simple, honorable truth? The
evidence suggests that whatever Fehler's hidden purpose, its end would
be better served if Tomonaga and Shoji were dead. Perhaps they had
discovered the Captain's underlying orders and Fehler feared they would
talk too openly if captured. Or perhaps he feared they would sabotage
the U-boat before he could surrender it, rather than let its important
cargo fall into enemy hands.
What ever the case, considerations that Fehler was planning to
get clear of the British area of control and later re-enter it to drop
the Japanese officers off in the Canaries or Spain are highly improbable.
Everything Fehler did at this time seems to be designed to surrender U-234
to the United States.
Fehler later asserted, again in his letter to Sharkhunters, that
following his talks with General Kessler before leaving Kiel, and after
at least two discussions with his officers and non-Japanese passengers
while on the high seas - including Kessler again - that he had decided
to surrender to the United States. This he said he did with Kessler's
support. But Hirschfeld wrote that in the surrender discussions at sea,
Kessler was in favor of completing the mission to Japan or of heading for
Argentina, as were most of the other officers in U-234, a few of whom favored
returning to Germany. [dcxix] Kessler unknowingly corroborated Hirschfeld's
claim in a post-war interrogation, adding also that Fehler never expressed
an opinion about where to surrender.[dcxx]
Argentina, as an alternative, was a covert ally of Germany's and
surrender there allowed the expectation among the passengers and crew of
U-234 that they would have a short, uncomplicated stay in South America
before a quick return home to family and friends - and rebuilding lives
in Germany. A few dissenters, however, preferred to land on some
South Sea island paradise instead of ending their journey in Argentina.
Hirschfeld reported that only Party Judge Kay Nieschling and the boat's
doctor, Dr. Walter, voiced their support for surrendering to the United
States. Importantly, as noted, Kessler was not in that small group.
Thus we have yet another conflict in the record - one of several
that crop up between Fehler and Hirschfeld: was Kessler in favor of surrendering
to the United States or not? Again we must try to determine who is
telling the truth. Given Fehler's obvious prevarication regarding
his intentions toward Tomonaga and Shoji, and his intentional misrepresentations
in the Bundesarchiv logbook, as well as the deceptions in his transmissions
to Halifax compared against Hirschfeld's consistently provable and accurate
accounts, Hirschfeld's version is probably correct. Thus Kessler's
preference to go to Japan or Argentina is more probable than Fehler's later
assertion that Kessler had agreed to surrender to the United States.
Fehler's uncoded radio transmission of 12 May, intended to open
the way to surrender, compared against his refusal to surrender to Canadian
or British forces, clearly leaves only the United States as Fehler's intended
surrender objective. Apparently he later tried to rationalize this
plan by providing cover for his real intentions by cunningly suggesting
Kessler agreed to it in the context of other considerations. And Hirschfeld's
writing that Fehler never actually revealed his intentions to any of his
passengers or crew about where he would surrender, in view of the fact
almost all of the passengers and officers desired a course other than surrender,
further supports the premise of this hidden agenda.[dcxxi] The evidence
suggests Captain Fehler just continued to quietly manipulate events until
U-234 was "captured" by the USS Sutton. The only explanation he made
for his decision to surrender to the United States appears to have been
the one recorded four decades later in the dubious account he gave in the
Sharkhunter's letter. As has been shown, Captain Fehler had demonstrated
by both word and action that he was bent on surrendering U-234 to the United
States. His apparent determination to do so even before the U-boat
left Germany - his alleged, though now dubious, discussions with Kessler
while still in Kiel to achieve this end, if true - indicates he already
may have been laying the groundwork even then. Or perhaps he was
simply maintaining the illusion some forty years later when he wrote this
account in the Sharkhunters letter. At any rate, his mad dash across
the Atlantic, carefully manipulated to reach American controlled waters
at a critical point in time, drives home his apparent determination to
surrender only to the United States. So does his silent decision
to land there against the desires of his officers and high-ranking passengers.
Fehler's intentional deceptions to Halifax combined with his determination
to sacrifice his Japanese passengers rather than off-load them in Spain,
Portugal or the Canary Islands - or to even make an effort to save their
lives at all - all testify of a personal commitment on Fehler's part to
surrender only to the United States. This fixation seems far out
of keeping with a reasonable assessment of the situation he was in. Even
more shocking - and revealing - is the fact that the United States Navy
aided and abetted Fehler in his efforts to escape Canadian control. Hirschfeld
recorded that while Fehler was in contact with Halifax, sending deliberately
false reports about his position and movements, U-234's radio communications
suddenly were jammed by very powerful transmissions.[dcxxii] Apparently
somebody did not want U-234 in communication with Halifax. Each time
Hirschfeld tried to transmit to the Canadian station, regardless of which
frequency he used, the jamming would begin anew, which suited Fehler just
fine;[dcxxiii] the overrunning of his radio communications kept the
Captain from having to continue his deceptions to Halifax. Soon,
the USS Sutton could be seen cresting the horizon.
The Sutton reached U-234 shortly before dark. Using Morse
code from a lamp, the destroyer ordered U-234 to "head for the Gulf of
Maine and to ignore all further communications from Halifax.[dcxxiv] From
this Hirschfeld deduced that the Sutton had done the radio jamming. Soon
the Sutton slipped alongside the U-boat just a few hundred yards to port,
but waited until morning to send a boarding party. In the meantime,
Hirschfeld witnessed Dr. Heinz Schlicke throw several small tubes of microfilm
overboard from the conning tower into the Ocean.[dcxxv] "There goes
the rocket that could fly the Atlantic," remarked Schlicke. As history
will someday discover, Schlicke possessed more than plans for a missile
that could fly from Europe to America.
In the morning, a heavily-armed prize crew from the Sutton crossed
the distance between the two vessels in a small craft and boarded U-234.[dcxxvi]
Nerves were on edge as the outnumbered but well-armed Sutton contingent
chained the hatch open to ensure Captain Fehler did not try a last-minute
dive. Documents were given to Fehler instructing him in the procedures
for surrendering his boat and crew; then a skeleton crew of German sailors
was left on board to operate the vessel while the remaining passengers
and crew were ferried from U-234 to the Sutton. Hirschfeld, one of the
few German crewmen left onboard the U-boat, later noted that U-234 was
ordered to make for the Gulf of Maine. Later, this order was changed to
direct U-234 to head for the Naval Yard at Portsmouth, New Hampshire.[dcxxvii]
Once again Hirschfeld's impeccable account is verified, this time by the
Sutton's activity report,[dcxxviii] which recounted how the order was changed
for the Sutton to escort U-234 to Portsmouth instead of the previous order
that it report with the U-boat to Cascoe Bay, Maine.
The Sutton, for its part, before locating U-234 had been working
alongside two Canadian ships that were also trying to find the U-boat.
According to excerpts prepared from the Sutton's war diary [dcxxix] - the
diary itself, perhaps significantly, apparently is not available - during
the operation the Sutton had broken away from the Canadian vessels, which
continued on an east-northeasterly bearing toward the last reported location
of U-234. The Sutton headed south instead, on a trajectory that allowed
it to intercept the U-boat based on direction finder coordinates the destroyer
had received. The Sutton's war diary notes that the Canadian ships
apparently realized they had "missed their target," but continued to head
off in an east northeasterly direction. Nothing is said in the war diary
excerpts of the Sutton's having jammed the U-boat's radio transmissions
or of ordering U-234 not to respond to Canadian radio communications.
So, having unwound the circular puzzles and unlocked the conundrums
of U-234, how do we interpret the web of information, disinformation and
contradictions surrounding the U-boat's surrender? The first step
is to try to determine which evidence is sound and which is not; an objective
we have tried to achieve throughout this and other chapters. Now
we must summarize our findings about the evidence and its sources. Of the
five sources of information about U-234's movements - the direction-finding
coordinates, the Bundesarchiv logbook, the accounts recorded in Hirschfeld's
two books, Fehler's letter to Sharkhunters, and Fehler's position reports
to Halifax - the direction finding coordinates are by far the most objective
and therefore reliable. The evidence appears to indicate - if not
outright prove - that large portions of the Bundesarchiv logbook are fabrications.
And they appear to be so at least from the first mismatched coordinates
recorded by Kessler on 30 April, if not earlier. They extend through
the three series of unaligned bearings and coordinates recorded between
1 and 6 May, and continue through the outright lies apparently recorded
by Fehler from then through to 12 May. Possibly the logbook was counterfeited
from the very beginning, but more likely it was casually kept up to maintain
an illusion for later investigators, which was that U-234 had never varied
from its intended mission to Japan until Fehler made the decision to surrender.
Considering all of this, the direction-finder data can be considered most
trustworthy when measured against other hard documentation.
But what about the human component? Hirschfeld confirms in
his memoirs that Fehler ordered him to report false speeds and bearings
to Halifax,[dcxxx] thus indirectly substantiating the idea that Fehler
may have intentionally falsified other data about U-234's travels as well.
Although Hirschfeld sometimes confused the dates of certain events, he
otherwise has proven to be accurate about the events he recorded. People
often forget exact dates 50 years past but still vividly recall the events,
experiences or feelings that occurred in association with those dates.
Hirschfeld's unique but accurate recounting of the enmity between Kessler
and Goering, the electrical fire fumes that he described were vented by
reversing the snorkel valving, and the harrowing story of almost being
chopped into pieces by the propeller of the steamer, are all validated
by corroborating documentation that authenticates Hirschfeld's accounts.
His final recounting of the change of orders taking U-234 from Maine to
Portsmouth Naval Yard, as well as the accuracy of other details, puts an
exclamation mark on his reliability. The one point of contention between
Hirschfeld's account and the theory posited in this text lies in the fact
that, despite referencing the mysterious message from Hitler's Berlin Bunker,
Hirschfeld never mentioned any activity while U-234 was at sea that can
be construed as picking up a secret passenger. He detailed activities
that occurred on the boat throughout the relevant timeframe, and even once
stated that U-234 "continued to head south at full speed" during a time
when, according to the secret detour scenario, it must have been heading
west. But none of these activities can be interpreted either to relate
to, or to disprove that U-234 secretly picked up a mysterious passenger.
The only incongruity, and it is significant, is that according to the Bundesarchiv
logbook, U-234 was still sailing at steerage speed during this time span,
not at full speed as Hirschfeld writes. The idea that U-234 was traveling
at full speed at any time prior to 11 May would indicate the U-boat was
actually racing west to rejoin its camouflage course. If it had raced
south at full speed for any amount of time at all, U-234 would have well
overshot to the south of its surrender point on the day it was turned over
to the Sutton, which, of course, did not happen. Only in reporting
that U-234 had sailed at full speed prior to 11 May does Hirschfeld suggest
a fragment of the premise that the U-boat actually must have been traveling
west, not south.
It seems implausible that Fehler could have secretly picked up
a mystery passenger without his chief communications officer knowing about
it. Certainly Hirschfeld, as were all others involved in the maiden voyage
of U-234, was sworn to silence if it had, indeed, carried an important
enigmatic passenger to safety in the final days of the war. Perhaps
Hirschfeld's writing that the boat was sailing south is a single lapse
representing his lone concession to the weighty burden of carrying such
a secret for so long a time. Uncharacteristic as it may seem, it
appears to be the lone detail that would stay what is otherwise an avalanche
of evidence favoring the theory that U-234 made a detour to pick up a mysterious
passenger who made his escape on board U-234. In an effort to resolve this
question and to learn more about the journey of U-234, in late 1998 I sent
Mr. Hirschfeld a letter through the Sharkhunters organization, requesting
an interview. As I had been advised probably would happen, Mr. Hirschfeld
chose not to respond to my request.
Unlike Hirschfeld's lone impropriety, Fehler's activities are riddled
with deceitfulness. From the falsified Bundesarchiv log to his handling
of the Japanese prisoners, from his documented lies to Halifax to his contradicted
stories about Kessler's inclusion in the plan to surrender to America,
Fehler's story is grossly inconsistent with the known facts and obviously
and intentionally misleading. The only question is, for what purpose?
With this in mind, combining the information we have learned in
this and in previous chapters, what picture can we assemble of U-234's
activities and surrender and Bormann's escape? Is any image becoming
clear that would indicate the U-boat's mission?
Taking everything we know about U-234 into account - the messages
to it from the Fuehrer Bunker; the wrestling for command of the U-boat;
the profoundly slow reported travel speed throughout most of the journey;
the mysteriously truncated Library of Congress logbook and secret visit
to Bergen; the carelessly doctored Bundesarchiv logbook; the coincident
timing as recorded in the Bundesarchiv log of Fehler's alleged but illogical
decision to run submerged during the six critical days between 30 April
and 6 May compared with the reported escape of Martin Bormann during that
same time period; and considering the little-known but seemingly reliable
report that Bormann escaped in a "large" U-boat; Bormann's connections
and control of U-234's cargo, and probably, although covertly, his control
of Doenitz himself; as well as U-234's mysterious dash westward apparently
from points unknown east of its professed position before surrender; and
Fehler's determination at all costs to capitulate to none but the United
States - considering all this, it seems probable U-234 was the "large U-boat"
reported by Soviet intelligence that had the secret mission of rescuing
Martin Bormann from Germany, delivering him safely to Spain, and delivering
the cargo to the United States in exchange for Bormann's freedom.
Keeping in mind that both the above and the following are assumptions
based upon the best evidence as detailed previously, the most probable
scenario that can be reconstructed appears to look something like this:
With a struggle over chain-of-command of U-234 raging between Doenitz and
Berlin, and having already received communications from Hitler's bunker
to stay put, Fehler departed Kristiansand according to Doenitz's order,
but at very slow speed in order to remain close at hand when the time came
to respond to an expected dispatch to pick up a powerful passenger from
Berlin.
Apparently, the chain-of-command issue was still being contested
on 18 April, when Fehler secretly altered course to Bergen to check for
further communications via BdU North Commander Rosing and the U-boat communication
center there. Realizing upon his decision to detour to Bergen that
his logbook later would reveal his surreptitious movements and potentially
expose his secret mission, he abruptly discontinued keeping this log from
the 18th forward. Fehler would later begin a new log designed to camouflage
U-234's movements. At Bergen Fehler apparently did not receive the
communication from Rosing he anticipated so he continued on a holding pattern
westward across the North Sea. He proceeded extremely slowly - no faster
than a man walks, just fast enough to maintain steerage of the U-boat -
so he would be close at hand when U-234 was needed for the secret pick-up
of his mysterious passenger.
On 21 April, Fehler received another order, apparently coded, that
advised him not to proceed beyond the vicinity of Ireland. Upon receipt
of this order, he broke from his holding pattern in the North Sea and continued
slowly around the north of the United Kingdom isles. In the early
morning hours of 30 April, at about the same time Martin Bormann was escaping
Berlin by light aircraft, U-234 began a quick six-day cruise back to Germany
and out to sea again under cover of a reported six-day submerged voyage
in the Atlantic. The falsified "submerged voyage" would in effect
make U-234 "disappear" during the deceptive detour, in order to maintain
a cover story should she be seen elsewhere or should another vessel fail
to spot her in a location she otherwise should have been.
There is no record of U-234 receiving a message to return to Germany
to pick up its passenger, but the author believes such a message was sent
and received. The author suggests it was at this point that Fehler
turned his U-boat east, submerged during the day and surfaced at night,
and headed back into the heavily patrolled North Sea through the strait
between Scotland and the Shetland Islands, then turned south - straight
for Hamburg. U-234 made Hamburg in under three days, sailing at top snorkeling
speed when submerged, with radar active, and probably with covert support
and protection from well-placed Western Allied sources - remember the planes
that did not attack in the Kattegat.
Quickly picking up Bormann, the large U-boat described by Stalin's
intelligence reports then made way, again under surreptitious Western Allied
protection, through the English Channel and into the Bay of Biscay, where
it rendezvoused with an unknown craft to offload Martin Bormann and possibly
his escape partner Heinrich Mueller.
Racing west and needing to maintain a cover story that would stand
as the official history of the vessel, Fehler realized he was running out
of time to surrender following the German capitulation order on 8 May.
He needed to be in a credible location along his previously planned journey
before surrendering, in order to keep his cover story intact, or else his
wayward movements might be revealed. In fact, and more important,
he also needed to ensure he was in the American sector of enemy surrender
responsibility to guarantee his cargo would be received by the pre-agreed
upon country, the United States - and its Manhattan Project. By 12
May, he felt he could report a position in the American zone that he could
reach before it was discovered to be false, and so he duly reported that
position by radio.
But calamity nearly ensued when Canada, through Halifax, received
U-234's first surrender transmission and ordered Fehler's capitulation
before the United States responded. To maintain his cover and avoid
surrendering cargo and passengers to an unintended party, Fehler was forced
to abort his camouflage course. He turned instead to an even deeper
level of deception, running free to the north and reporting inaccurate
bearings and speeds - and for a period of time not reporting at all - until
the USS Sutton was able to decoy Canadian ships away and jam U-234's transmissions.
The Sutton then located and took possession of the U-boat and her fugitive,
invaluable cargo and passengers and escorted her to Portsmouth.
Notes:
dlxiii Hans Dollinger, The Decline and Fall of Nazi Germany and
Imperial Japan, p. 241
dlxiv James P. O'Donnell, The Bunker, p. 348
dlxv Jochen von Lang, The Secretary, p. 331
dlxvi Jochen von Lang, The Secretary, pp. 331, 332
dlxvii William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood, pp. 177, 178
dlxviii Ladislas Farago, Aftermath, p. 40
dlxix Ladislas Farago, Aftermath, p. 64
dlxx William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood, p. 64
dlxxi William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood, p.5
dlxxii U.S. National Archives, radio transmission from U-234, 12
May,
1945, declassified #NND957001, NARA date 9/15/97
dlxxiii U.S. National Archives, a second radio transmission from U-234, 12 May, 1945, declassified #NND957001, NARA date 9/15/97
dlxxiv Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 357; see also, Geoffrey
Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946,
p. 203
dlxxv Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 203
dlxxvi Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 357
dlxxvii U.S. National Archives, intercepted radio transmissions
declassified #NND957001, NARA date 9/15/97
dlxxviii Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 357; Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 203
dlxxix Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 357
dlxxx Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 203
dlxxxi U.S. National Archives, interrogation report of General Ulrich
Kessler #1540, p.4 (date unknown), declassified #NND750722, NARA
date
9/16/97
dlxxxii Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 358; Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 203
dlxxxiii U.S. National Archives, intercepted radio transmission,
13
April, 1945, declassified #NND957001
dlxxxiv Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a
U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 203; U.S. National Archives, intercepted radio
transmission, 13 April, 1945, declassified # NND957001, NARA date
9/15/9
dlxxxv U.S. National Archives, intercepted radio transmission 16 April, 1945, declassified #NND957001, NARA date 9/15/97
dlxxxvi U.S. National Archives, intercepted radio transmission 18 April, 1945, declassified #NND957001, NARA date 9/15/97
dlxxxvii Bundesarchiv 24/82 RM 98/676
dlxxxviii The author personally witnessed a telephone call between Harry Cooper, Sharkhunters president, and Mr. Herbert Werner, on January 21, 1999 in which Mr. Werner confirmed to Mr. Cooper Rosing's presence at Bergen throughout the time span in question.
dlxxxix Letter from Sharkhunters president Harry Cooper to the author
dated 11 May, 1999
dxc Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 201
dxci U.S. National Archives, Report On the Interrogation of the Crew On U-234 Which Surrendered to the USS Sutton on 14 May, 1945, In Position 47?-07'N - 42?-25'W. declassified #NND873022
dxcii Undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler
to
Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International, p.1
dxciii U.S. National Archives, intercepted radio transmission, 21 April, 1945, declassified #NND957001
dxciv Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 192; Second undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler to Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International p. 1
dxcv U.S. National Archives, map of U-234's planned route as filed in U-234's official surrender report
dxcvi Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, pp. 195, 201; also, compare with speeds of U-234 calculated from radio intercepts reported direction finding on May 12, 1945
dxcvii Undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler to Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International, p. 1
dxcviii U.S. National Archives II, NSA Records, secret German
transmission from Marine Special Forces to Penang, Shonan, Djakarta,
Tokyo, 13 February, 1945, RG 457-190-32-2-7
dxcix Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 192; Undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler to Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International, p. 1
dc Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 360
dci Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, pp. 206, 206
dcii Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 207:see also Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 361
dciii Undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler
to
Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International p.2
dciv U.S. National Archives, Report of Interrogation of U-234 passenger Kay Nieschling, 24 May, 1945
dcv Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat
NCO 1940-1946, p. 207; Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 361
dcvi Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 207; Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 361
dcvii Undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler
to
Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International p.1
dcviii Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat
NCO 1940-1946, p. 207; Wolfgang Hirschfeld, Feindfahrten, p. 361
dcix U.S. National Archives, Report of Interrogation of General Ulrich Kessler, extract from POW's diary, declassified NND750122
dcx U.S. National Archives II, intercepted radio transmission, 12 May, 1945, declassified #NND957001
dcxi Undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler
to
Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International, p. 3
dcxii Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, pp. 210, 211
dcxiii Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat
NCO 1940-1946, p. 210
dcxiv Undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler
to
Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International
dcxv Undated letter from CaptainLeiutenant Johann Heinrich Fehler
to
Harry Cooper, president of Sharkhunters International
dcxvi Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, pp. 210-212
dcxvii U.S. National Archives II, USS Sutton activity report titled
Capture of U-234-Events Leading to, p. 2, 18 May, 1945
dcxviii Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 212
dcxix Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 210
dcxx U.S. National Archives II, General Ulrich Kessler interrogation
Report #5899
dcxxi Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 210
dcxxii Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat
NCO 1940-1946, pp. 211, 212
dcxxiii Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, pp. 211, 212
dcxxiv Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat
NCO 1940-1946, p. 212
dcxxv Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, pp. 212, 213
dcxxvi Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat
NCO 1940-1946, pp. 212, 213; U.S. National Archives II, USS Sutton
activity report report titled Capture of U-234-Events Leading to,
p. 3, 18 May, 1945
dcxxvii Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat NCO 1940-1946, p. 216
dcxxviii U.S. National Archives II, USS Sutton activity report report
titled Capture of U-234-Events Leading to, pp. 3, 4 (unnumbered),
18
May, 1945
dcxxix U.S. National Archives II, USS Sutton activity report report
titled Capture of U-234-Events Leading to, pp. 2, 3, 18 May, 1945
dcxxx Geoffrey Brooks and Wolfgang Hirschfeld, The Story of a U-boat
NCO 1940-1946, p. 211